Ten things to know about the federal Conservatives’ housing platform

Ten things to know about the federal Conservatives’ housing platform

Ten things to know about the federal Conservatives’ housing platform

La version française de ce billet se trouve ici.

With a federal election taking place in Canada on September 20, the Conservative Party of Canada has released its platform, which includes several housing-related measures; they include a pledge to create one million new homes in the first three years of a Conservative government.

Here are 10 things to know.

1. The platform contains an assertion about supply that may be misleading. The Conservatives say the “primary cause” of a lack of affordable housing “is that supply simply isn’t keeping up with demand.” While it’s true that there isn’t enough supply of subsidized housing in Canada (for low-income households) it may be misleading to suggest that a lack of supply in the larger housing universe is driving elevated house prices (George Fallis makes a strong argument against that here).

2. The Conservatives make an important link between housing and public transit. They pledge to create public transit in locations “where people are buying homes” and require “municipalities receiving federal funding for public transit to increase density near the funded transit…” I find it disappointing that the platform does not emphasize the need for having rental housing near public transit, especially rental housing that is owned by non-profit entities (including co-ops).[1]

3. The platform pledges to make federal buildings available for housing. Stating that the federal government owns more than 37,000 buildings, the Conservatives say they would make “at least 15%” of those buildings available for housing. This idea has merit. Indeed, during John Tory’s mayorship, the City of Toronto has made use of public landsunderused or vacant—for affordable housing through an initiative called Housing Now.

4. The Conservatives would allow Canadians to defer capital gains tax when selling a rental property and reinvesting in rental housing. Neither firms nor individuals would be required to pay taxes on the sale until they divest from rental housing completely. Such a measure would likely encourage both firms and individuals to purchase rental housing. A wide range of organizations—representing both the for-profit and non-profit sectors—have advocated in favour of this here.

5. The platform commits to enhancing the use of Community Land Trusts for affordable housing. The Conservatives would do this “by creating an incentive for corporations and private landowners to donate property to Land Trusts for the development of affordable housing.” More information on Community Land Trusts can be found here.

6. The Conservatives say they would address speculation in the real estate sector. They would try to curb money laundering by amending legislation, empowering law enforcement officials, and establishing a registry for residential property. They also assert they would ban non-residents from buying homes in Canada, which they say they would do on a trial two-year basis. These measures have the ostensible goal of reducing the selling price of houses.

7. The Conservatives would “encourage foreign investment in purpose-built rental housing that is affordable to Canadians.” This may be intended to counterbalance their proposal to ban non-residents from buying homes (see point #6 above). However, it strikes me as odd—it’s not as though there isn’t enough existing private ownership of rental units in Canada. Why not encourage more non-profit ownership of rental units (including the acquisition of existing private units)?

8. The platform has several commitments pertaining to mortgages. The Conservatives would make more Canadians in expensive cities eligible to become first-time homeowners. They would remove the requirement to conduct a stress test when a homeowner renews a mortgage with a different lender. The platform further encourages “a new market in seven- to ten-year mortgages…”

9. The plan praises the Housing First approach, while also focusing on drug treatment as a way to address homelessness (which is somewhat contradictory). Housing First refers to the immediate provision of housing to a person experiencing homelessness without requiring abstinence or mental health treatment as a condition of housing. The platform further claims that Housing First “has been watered down by the current federal government…” Having said that, as a way to address homelessness, the Conservatives say they would invest “$325 million over the next three years to create 1,000 residential drug treatment beds and build 50 recovery community centres across the country.” The Conservatives would also encourage “land-based treatment programs developed and managed by Indigenous communities…”

10. The platform makes no mention of supportive housing. By this I mean subsidized housing combined with social work support, typically geared toward persons with specific needs (e.g., persons with serious mental health challenges). Supportive housing has long been considered a viable approach to helping house persons who have experienced long-term homelessness.

In sum. The Conservatives’ housing platform is heavily biased in favour of home ownership (as opposed to renting) and for-profit ownership of rental housing. This does not bode well for low-income Canadians, especially the poorest 20% of Canadians. Further, the emphasis on drug treatment as a way to address homelessness is cause for concern.

I wish to thank the following individuals for assistance with this blog post: Alex Hemingway, Michel Laforge, Jeff Morrison, Doug Pawson, Steve Pomeroy, Sylvia Regnier, Vincent St-Martin, Marion Steele, Greg Suttor, Jennifer Tipple, Ricardo Tranjan and three anonymous reviewers.

[1] I’ve previously written about the benefits of non-profit ownership here.

Ten things to know about the federal Conservatives’ housing platform

Dix faits saillants de la plateforme électorale des conservateurs à l’égard du logement

Dix faits saillants de la plateforme électorale des conservateurs à l’égard du logement

An English-language version of this blog post is available here.

En prévision de l’élection fédérale canadienne du 20 septembre, le Parti conservateur du Canada a dévoilé sa plateforme électorale, qui comprend plusieurs mesures liées au logement; notamment celle de construire un million de domiciles pendant les trois premières années d’un gouvernement conservateur.

En voici 10 faits saillants.

1. La plateforme contient une affirmation sur l’offre actuelle de logement qui pourrait induire en erreur. Les conservateurs allèguent que la « cause principale » du manque de logement abordable est que « l’offre ne suit tout simplement pas la demande ». S’il est vrai qu’il n’y a pas suffisamment de logements subventionnés au Canada (pour les ménages à faible revenu), il pourrait être trompeur d’affirmer qu’un manque de logement généralisé dans le marché immobilier est responsable de la flambée des prix (George Fallis défend bien l’inverse dans cet article en anglais).

2. Les conservateurs soulignent un lien important entre le logement et le transport en commun. Ils promettent de créer du transport en commun qui « dessert les endroits où les gens achètent des habitations » et ils exigent que « les municipalités recevant un financement fédéral pour le transport en commun augmentent la densité près de l’infrastructure financée ». Je suis déçu que la plateforme ne mette pas l’accent sur l’importance de situer le logement locatif à proximité du transport public, surtout celui appartenu par des organismes à but non lucratif (dont les coopératives)[1].

3. Le parti s’engage à libérer des édifices fédéraux pour en faire du logement. Les conservateurs soutiennent que le gouvernement fédéral est propriétaire de plus de 37 000 édifices et disent vouloir en libérer « au moins 15 % » pour des fins de logement. L’idée a du mérite. D’ailleurs, sous le maire John Tory, la ville de Toronto s’est servie de terrains publics — sous-utilisés ou vacants — pour des fins de logement abordable à travers l’initiative Housing Now (lien en anglais).

4. Les conservateurs permettraient aux Canadiens de différer l’impôt sur les gains en capital lorsqu’ils vendent et rachètent une propriété servant au logement locatif. Ni les sociétés ni les individus ne seraient tenus de payer cette taxe sur la vente d’une propriété jusqu’à ce qu’ils se retirent complètement du logement locatif. Une telle mesure encouragerait probablement l’achat de logement locatif par les deux types d’acheteurs. Toute une gamme d’organismes et d’individus — représentant le secteur à but lucratif et non lucratif — milite en faveur d’une telle mesure (lien en anglais).

5. Le parti propose d’améliorer l’usage des fiducies foncières communautaires pour le logement abordable. Il le ferait en permettant que les « entreprises et les propriétaires privés donnent des propriétés afin de construire des logements abordables ». Vous pouvez vous renseigner davantage sur les fiducies foncières communautaires ici (lien en anglais).

6. Les conservateurs veulent remédier à la spéculation foncière. Ils veulent freiner le blanchiment d’argent en révisant certaines lois, en augmentant le pouvoir des services policiers, et en établissant un registre des propriétés résidentielles. Ils veulent aussi bannir l’achat de domiciles au Canada par les non-résidents pendant une période d’essai de deux ans. Ces mesures visent apparemment à réduire le prix de vente des maisons.

7. Les conservateurs veulent « encourager les investissements étrangers dans des logements locatifs destinés au marché ». Cette mesure est peut-être là pour faire contrepoids à la proposition discutée au point no. 6. Je la trouve néanmoins curieuse — il existe déjà suffisamment de propriétaires privés de logements au Canada. Pourquoi ne pas encourager les logements à but non lucratif (incluant l’acquisition de logements privés existants – lien en anglais) au lieu?

8. La plateforme contient plusieurs engagements à l’égard des hypothèques. Les conservateurs faciliteraient l’accès à la propriété pour les Canadiens habitant des villes moins abordables. Ils supprimeraient la nécessité de faire une analyse du risque de défaillance des prêts hypothécaires lorsque les propriétaires renouvellent leur hypothèque chez un nouveau prêteur. De même, le parti veut encourager « un nouveau marché d’hypothèques de sept à dix ans […]

9. Le plan fait l’éloge de l’approche Logement d’abord, mais il met également l’accent sur le traitement des problèmes de dépendance comme façon d’enrayer l’itinérance (ce qui est quelque peu contradictoire). Le Logement d’abord veut que les personnes en situation d’itinérance soient d’abord logées sans nécessiter la sobriété ou un traitement en santé mentale comme condition dudit logement. De plus, la plateforme soutient que Logement d’abord a été « affaibli par le gouvernement fédéral actuel […] ». Ceci étant dit, pour lutter contre le sans-abrisme, les conservateurs disent vouloir investir 325 millions de dollars au cours des trois prochaines années afin de créer 1 000 places de traitement résidentielles et convertir 50 centres communautaires partout au pays ». Les conservateurs encourageraient aussi les « programmes de traitement conçus et administrés par les communautés autochtones […] ».

10. Le logement supervisé n’est aucunement abordé dans la plateforme. J’entends par cela, le logement supervisé avec services sociaux, qui vise typiquement les personnes avec des besoins précis (par exemple, les personnes souffrant de troubles de santé mentale sérieux). Le logement supervisé est considéré depuis longtemps comme une approche viable pour les personnes en situation d’itinérance à long terme.

En somme, les mesures de la plateforme des conservateurs sont axées de manière disproportionnée sur l’accès à la propriété (plutôt que la location) et la possession de logements locatifs par des entités commerciales. Cela n’augure pas bien pour les Canadiens à faible revenu, surtout les 20% les moins bien nantis. De plus, l’accent sur la toxicomanie est problématique.

J’aimerais remercier les personnes suivantes pour leur appui avec ce billet : Alex Hemingway, Michel Laforge, Jeff Morrison, Doug Pawson, Steve Pomeroy, Sylvia Regnier, Vincent St-Martin, Marion Steele, Greg Suttor, Jennifer Tipple, Ricardo Tranjan et trois réviseurs anonymes.

[1] J’ai déjà décrit les avantages associés à logement à but non lucratif ici (en anglais).

Ten things to know about the federal NDP’s housing platform

Ten things to know about the federal NDP’s housing platform

Ten things to know about the federal NDP’s housing platform

La version française de ce billet se trouve ici.

With a federal election taking place in Canada on September 20, the New Democratic Party (NDP) of Canada has released its platform, which includes important housing-related measures.

Here are 10 things to know.

1. The NDP pledges to create at least 500,000 units of affordable housing in the next 10 years. This compares with the roughly 1.6 million Canadian households currently in core housing need (meaning households currently having difficulty affording suitable, appropriate housing). The platform does not specify what “affordable” would mean in this context.

2. The platform contains a vague pledge pertaining to the creation of “fast-start funds.” According to the platform, such funds would speed up the development of social housing by accelerating the application process and facilitating access to properties.

3. The NDP says it would waive the federal portion of the GST/HST on the construction of new affordable rental units. The for-profit rental development industry has lobbied for the removal of GST from all new rental construction in Canada. It is not clear which new rental units would qualify for GST exemption under the NDP’s proposal. If all new rental units were exempted from the GST, this could be quite costly in foregone tax revenue.

4. The NDP would re-introduce 30-year terms for CMHC-insured mortgages. This is directed at first-time home buyers (typically middle-quintile income earners). The current terms for new home buyers are for 25 years. Raising this threshold to 30 years would improve access to home ownership and reduce shortages in the rental market; however, it might also have the unanticipated effect of raising the price of starter housing.

5. The platform commits to doubling the Home Buyer’s Tax Credit to $1,500. While such a subsidy is modest in comparison with the cost of a down payment, it may be just enough to enable some households to buy. Again, such a measure could have the effect of both creating some slack in the rental market (i.e., making more units available to prospective tenants) while also exerting upward pressure on the selling price of starter houses.

6. The NDP would “facilitate co-housing,” by encouraging co-ownership agreements (including with financing assistance). I am not aware of Canadian research on this topic, nor have I seen the idea debated in any detail.

7. The platform commits to a 20% Foreign Buyer’s tax. This would apply to the sale of homes to persons who are neither Canadian citizens nor permanent residents. There are advantages and disadvantages to such a tax; I’ve previously blogged about this topic here.

8. The NDP would work with provincial and territorial governments to create a property registry. This would have the goal of increasing transparency about who owns properties. The NDP would also require “reporting of suspicious transactions in order to help find and stop money laundering.” British Columbia’s government has commissioned two reports on money laundering in real estate—Part 1 is here, and Part 2 is here.

9. The platform makes several laudable statements that are not supported by specific commitments. For example, the NDP commits to “fully implementing the right to housing,” but does not explain what that means. The NDP would work “toward the goal of ending homelessness in Canada within a decade…,” but the platform does not explain how that would be achieved. The platform further commits the party to working with other orders of government to “fast-track the purchase, lease and conversion of hotels and motels for emergency housing relief until more permanent, community-based solutions are available…,” but again without details.

10. The platform makes no mention of supportive housing. Supportive housing refers to subsidized housing with social work support, typically geared toward specific marginalized populations (e.g., persons with serious mental health challenges). It has long been considered an important policy response to long-term homelessness.

In sum. The NDP’s housing platform is ambitious, but short on details—none of the measures are costed out in the platform document. It also contains surprisingly little detail about measures that would address long-term homelessness. Having said that, the NDP should be commended for being the first federal party to release their housing platform.

I wish to thank the following individuals for assistance with this blog post: Jill Atkey, George Fallis, Michel Laforge, Christina Maes Nino, Michael Mendelson, Jeff Morrison, Doug Pawson, Steve Pomeroy, Sylvia Regnier, Tim Richter, Vincent St-Martin, Marion Steele, Jennifer Tipple and three anonymous reviewers.

Dix faits saillants concernant le logement dans la plateforme néodémocrate

Dix faits saillants concernant le logement dans la plateforme néodémocrate

Dix faits saillants concernant le logement dans la plateforme néodémocrate

An English-language version of this blog post is available here.

En vue de l’élection fédérale qui aura lieu au Canada le 20 septembre, le Nouveau parti démocratique (NPD) a lancé sa plateforme, qui comprend d’importantes mesures en logement.

En voici 10 faits saillants

1. Le NPD promet de créer au moins 500 000 logements abordables au cours des 10 prochaines années. En comparaison, c’est 1,6 million de ménages canadiens qui ont des besoins de logement impérieux (qui ont de la difficulté à se permettre un logement adéquat et approprié). Le parti ne précise pas ce qu’il entend par « abordable ».

2. La plateforme contient une promesse vague pour la création d’un « fonds de démarrage rapide ». Selon le parti, de tels fonds serviraient à accélérer la construction de logement social en réduisant le processus de demande, et en facilitant l’accès à la propriété.

3. Le NDP s’engage à éliminer la part fédérale de la TPS/TVH sur la construction de nouveaux logements abordables locatifs. Le lobby des promoteurs immobiliers de logements locatifs a milité pour l’annulation de la TPS de toute nouvelle construction de logement locatif au Canada. La proposition du NPD n’est pas claire et ne précise pas quels logements sont visés. Si tous les logements locatifs l’étaient, cela représenterait un important manque à gagner pour les coffres fédéraux.

4. Le NPD permettrait à nouveau à la SCHL d’assurer les hypothèques amorties sur 30 ans. Cette proposition vise les acheteurs d’une première maison (typiquement ceux se situant dans le quintile du centre). Actuellement, la période d’amortissement maximum est de 25 ans pour les nouveaux acheteurs. Augmenter la période d’amortissement maximale à 30 ans faciliterait l’accès à la propriété et atténuerait la pénurie dans le marché locatif; cependant, cela pourrait également augmenter le prix des premières maisons.

5. Le Crédit d’impôt pour l’achat d’une première habitation serait doublé pour atteindre 1 500$. Si une telle subvention demeure modeste comparée au coût d’une mise de fonds, cela pourrait permettre de justesse à certaines familles de passer à l’achat. Encore une fois, une telle mesure pourrait atténuer la pression sur le marché locatif (en libérant des logements pour des locataires potentiels), et en exercer davantage sur le prix des premières habitations.

6. Le NPD veut « faciliter la copropriété » en encourageant des ententes à cette fin (incluant une assistance financière). Je n’ai pas encore pris connaissance de recherche canadienne ni de débat public à ce sujet.

7. La plateforme impose une taxe de 20% aux acheteurs immobiliers étrangers. Celle-ci s’appliquerait à la vente de résidences à des partis qui ne sont ni citoyens canadiens ni résidents permanents. Il y a des avantages et des désavantages à de telles taxes; j’ai abordé le sujet par le passé (en anglais) ici.

8. Le NPD veut travailler avec les gouvernements provinciaux et territoriaux pour créer un registre des propriétés. Cette mesure aurait pour but de rendre plus transparents les véritables propriétaires. Le NPD veut également exiger « le signalement des transactions suspectes afin de mettre fin au blanchiment d’argent ». Le gouvernement britanno-colombien a publié un rapport en deux parties sur le blanchiment d’argent en immobilier. Vous pouvez en lire la première partie et la deuxième partie.

9. La plateforme contient plusieurs énoncés louables sans pour autant les appuyer par des engagements précis. Par exemple, le NPD s’engage à « la mise en œuvre complète du droit au logement », mais n’explique pas ce que cela signifie. Le NPD veut « mettre fin à l’itinérance au Canada d’ici une décennie […] », mais la plateforme n’explique pas comment le parti y arriverait. La plateforme engage le parti à travailler avec d’autres paliers gouvernementaux pour « accélérer l’achat, la location et la conversion d’hôtels et de motels afin de fournir des logements d’urgence jusqu’à ce que des solutions communautaires permanentes soient disponibles […] », mais encore une fois sans préciser comment il y procédera.

10. La plateforme ne mentionne aucunement le logement supervisé. On entend par cela des logements subventionnés comprenant des services sociaux et visant généralement des populations marginalisées précises (par exemple, des personnes vivant avec des troubles importants de santé mentale). Cette méthode est considérée depuis longtemps comme étant une réponse politique importante pour adresser le sans-abrisme à long terme.

En somme, les mesures concernant le logement dans la plateforme du NPD sont ambitieuses, mais elles manquent de précision. Le coût des mesures proposées ne figure pas dans le document. La plateforme contient étonnamment peu de détails sur les façons d’enrayer le sans-abrisme à long terme. Ceci étant dit, on doit féliciter le NPD d’avoir été le premier parti fédéral à dévoiler sa plateforme en matière de logement.

J’aimerais remercier les personnes suivantes pour leur appui à la rédaction de ce billet : Jill Atkey, George Fallis, Michel Laforge, Christina Maes Nino, Michael Mendelson, Jeff Morrison, Doug Pawson, Steve Pomeroy, Sylvia Regnier, Tim Richter, Vincent St-Martin, Marion Steele, Jennifer Tipple and three anonymous reviewers.

Homelessness could rise with economic downturn

Homelessness could rise with economic downturn

Homelessness could rise with economic downturn

The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively impacted those who are homeless. The pandemic has resulted in the closure of daytime services like drop-in centres and the closure of public spaces offering access to washroom facilities such as libraries, along with free Internet access.

But things may get even worse in light of the current recession. In order to stem the possibility of a rise in homelessness as a result of the economic downturn, senior orders of government must act boldly. They should fix problems caused by the Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB), increase income assistance and enhance spending on homelessness prevention.

What have been the main policy responses?

In Canada’s major cities, senior homelessness officials have partnered with health officials and others to respond to the pandemic. Typically, local officials have done so by creating more physical distancing at existing shelters, opening new facilities and creating facilities for both isolation and quarantine.

The Government of Canada has provided important financial support for the homelessness sector during the crisis. Indeed, Canada’s COVID-19 Economic Response Plan, announced in March, included an additional $157.5 million in one-time funding for Reaching Home (the federal government’s major funding program for homelessness). On September 21, Ottawa announced an additional $236.7 million for Reaching Home, along with $1 billion for modular housing, the acquisition of land, and the conversion of existing buildings into affordable housing. Provincial governments have also stepped up with funding enhancements of their own.

Despite this enhanced financial support, a number of challenges remain in the sector, including the existence of shared bathrooms; harm reduction, such as safe access to illicit drugs; outdoor sleeping; a dwindling workforce at emergency shelters and drop-in centres; and an anticipated increase in homelessness resulting from the economic downturn.

What should the federal government do now?

The federal government should take a soft approach to recovering CERB overpayments from social assistance recipients, add a prevention stream to the Reaching Home program, and enhance the Canada Housing Benefit.

Offer CERB forgiveness. There is growing concern across Canada about CERB overpayments made to many low-income individuals, including to social assistance recipients -- people who are already very vulnerable to homelessness. There are anecdotal accounts of social assistance staff in some parts of Canada encouraging their clients to apply for CERB, even though they may not have been eligible. With this in mind, the federal government should consider taking a soft approach with some recipients of CERB who may not have been eligible for the benefit. Such an approach might include not trying to fully recover the value of CERB from these individuals. Even complete amnesty should be considered in some cases.

Add a Reaching Home prevention stream. Reaching Home is a federal program that funds communities across Canada to respond to absolute homelessness. It currently funds some prevention work (in addition to other initiatives). However, Employment and Social Development Canada should consider creating a new funding stream within Reaching Home with a specific focus on prevention. The focus would be short-term financial assistance to prevent persons from losing their existing housing.

Enhance the Canada Housing Benefit. Central to the Canadian government’s National Housing Strategy is the launch, in 2020, of a Canada Housing Benefit (CHB). This benefit provides financial assistance to help low-income households afford the rent, mostly in private-landlord buildings. The government estimates this will cost $4 billion over eight years. It is expected that half of this money will come from the federal government, and the other half from provinces and territories.

The CHB was supposed to launch nationally on April 1; however, at the time of this writing, just two provinces (British Columbia and Ontario) had formally agreed to terms regarding the CHB. The federal government could increase the value of this benefit, which would encourage provinces and territories to sign on. For example, the federal government might offer cost-sharing.

What should provincial and territorial governments do?

Provincial and territorial governments have crucial roles to play in preventing further homelessness. They should reinstate social assistance eligibility for recipients who became ineligible due to the CERB, and also encourage housing-focused emergency shelters.

Reverse social assistance suspensions caused by CERB. Many public officials have been unclear with social assistance recipients as to whether or not they are eligible for the CERB. Some administrators penalized social assistance recipients who received it, while others did not. Some provinces (Newfoundland and Labrador) even encouraged CERB applications and then suspended social assistance benefits from the same individuals after they received it. Such suspensions often result in the loss of health and dental benefits, in addition to the loss of social assistance cash benefits.

For people who have lost their social assistance benefits after receiving the CERB, re-applications for social assistance may take a considerable amount of time thus increasing their vulnerability to homelessness. Provincial and territorial officials should not suspend people from social assistance because they received the CERB. Anyone who has already been suspended should be immediately reinstated.

Encourage housing-focused shelters. The concept of “housing-focused shelters” is growing in Canada. It refers to operators of emergency shelters moving shelter residents into permanent housing. Such a practice is easier to carry out when rental vacancy rates are relatively high--and vacancy rates are expected to increase in light of COVID-19.

Not all shelter operators in Canada currently encourage residents to move on to housing to the same degree. Provincial and territorial governments can encourage emergency shelters to be more housing focused by changing the terms of funding agreements. For example, they can incentivize flow rather than bed occupation. (For a brief consideration of housing focused shelters, see the module titled “Innovative practices” in my Homelessness 101 workshop.)

Homelessness officials in Canada’s major cities have partnered with health officials and others to respond to COVID-19, arguably this sector’s greatest challenge since the Great Depression. However, the current recession may make matters worse and bold policy responses are needed to prevent this.

This article is part of the Tackling inequality as part of Canada’s post-pandemic recovery special feature.

This article first appeared on Policy Options and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Affordable housing, homelessness and the upcoming federal budget

Affordable housing, homelessness and the upcoming federal budget

Affordable housing, homelessness and the upcoming federal budget

This year’s Alternative Federal Budget (AFB) was released on March 17.[1] A general overview of the AFB project can be found here, but in a nutshell, it provides an alternative fiscal framework for Canada’s federal government; it’s released ahead of the actual federal budget in an effort to stir debate about an alternative approach to taxing and spending.

I was primary author of the AFB’s affordable housing and homelessness chapter—that chapter is available here in English and here in French. With that in mind, here are 10 things to know about affordable housing, homelessness and the upcoming federal budget:

  1. Federal housing spending is projected to decrease over the next decade (relative to GDP). That’s a key finding of this recent analysis by Canada’s Parliamentary Budget Officer (PBO).  Put differently, while some elected officials and advocates seem quite pleased with Canada’s National Housing Strategy (NHS) the reality is that we should all be very concerned about the future of Canadian housing policy.     
         
  2. Federal spending on urban Aboriginal housing in Canada is expected to drop quite considerably. Indeed, the same PBO report cited in point #2 above also notes: “The planned level of funding for federally administered community housing for Indigenous households not living on reserves ($257 million) is less than half the level of funding provided over the prior 10 years ($534 million).” This comes at a time when the growth of Canada’s Indigenous populations is occurring at four times the rate of the rest of our population.        
      
  3. Across Canada, federal funding for homelessness is rather modest. For each $1 invested federally, $13 is invested by other sources (mostly provincial and municipal dollars). That assertion is made in this federal report. What’s more, just 5% of new funding under the NHS has been earmarked towards the Trudeau government’s goal of reducing chronic homelessness by half. In light of these unfortunate realities, it’s crucial that Canada’s federal government enhance support for homelessness.
      
  4. The National Housing Co-investment Fund (NHCF) has received considerable criticism. Created by the Trudeau government, this program both repairs existing social housing and helps create new housing; it can assist non-profit housing providers as well as for-profit private rental developers. However, it is primarily a loan program (as opposed to a grant program) and has been criticized for providing insufficient funding to make rent levels truly affordable for low-income tenants.      
      
  5. Supportive housing providers across Canada need more financial support. Supportive housing refers to specialized housing for vulnerable populations that features professional (i.e., social work) staff support. This is especially helpful for people who have experienced long-term homelessness. The NHS contains no specific provisions for supportive housing, even though one of the Strategy’s stated goals is to reduce chronic homelessness by 50%. [2]
      
  6. More than two years after the NHS was unveiled, we’re still waiting for the public release of three Indigenous-specific strategies. At the time that the NHS was unveiled, the Trudeau government said it was “working with First Nations, Métis and Inuit organizations on separate housing plans.” They have yet to be released publicly (though a credible source tells me that agreements have been drawn up). 
      
  7. Housing across Canada remains unaffordable, especially in certain cities.[3] Central to the NHS is the planned launch, later this year, of a Canada Housing Benefit (CHB). This benefit will consist of financial assistance to help low-income households afford the rent in both private and social housing units. The Trudeau government estimates that the average beneficiary will receive $2,500 in support per year. This may be too little, too late.
      
  8. We’re now expecting a recession, making it even more worthwhile to increase federal investments in affordable housing. There is growing consensus among economists that Canada will soon enter a recession (due largely to the COVID-19 pandemic) whose impact on the Canadian economy will likely last years. Increased capital funding for housing can boost employment during an economic downturn, and deeper rent subsidies can assist low-income households facing labour market challenges to pay for housing.
      
  9. The Government of Canada’s COVID-19 Economic Response Plan is a short term measure. Announced on March 18, the Plan includes very important social policy items, including an additional $157.5 million in one-time funding for homelessness. However, Canada needs new annual funding commitments to address a lack of affordable housing and homelessness challenges that were in place well before COVID-19.
      
  10. This year’s AFB calls for federal funding of $5.25 billion annually over and above what has already been committed by the Trudeau government. Specifically, it calls for: the enhancement of the NHCF with an additional $3 billion in annual grant money for new builds and repairs; the allocation of $2 billion annually to build new supportive housing for vulnerable populations; and the doubling of the federal contribution to the CHB.

In sum. This year’s AFB provides both a list of new, annual spending initiatives pertaining to affordable housing and homelessness, and a macroeconomic framework that can support them.

I wish to thank Susan Falvo, Ron Kneebone, Jeff Morrison, Steve Pomeroy and Vincent St-Martin for assistance with this blog post. Any errors are mine.

[1] For a history of the Alternative Federal Budget, see this overview.

[2] Having said that, supportive housing has received NHCF financing.

[3] For more on how housing affordability varies across Canada, see this two-page analysis by Ron Kneebone and Margarita Wilkins.